Increasing uncertainty

By Yin Cunyi
0 Comment(s)Print E-mail China.org.cn, June 1, 2016
Adjust font size:
 

Ma Xiaoguang, spokesman of the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, speaks at a press conference in Beijing on May 25. [Xinhua photo]



Taiwan's new leader Tsai Ing-wen took office in Taipei on May 20. Following the change of leadership in Taiwan, the most important question now is whether the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) will acknowledge the 1992 Consensus and its core implications, because the question involves the political foundation for peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. It also matters for the benefit of Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits as well as for regional stability and peace.

To most people's disappointment, Tsai posed an ambiguous stance on the 1992 Consensus in her inaugural address, not showing responsibility for history. Tsai's equivocation casts a huge shadow over the future of cross-Straits relations.

The 1992 Consensus, the common political foundation reached by the Chinese mainland and Taiwan, states that both sides of the Taiwan Straits uphold the one-China principle.

Tsai's political trick

Tsai had years ago expressed her secessionist views while she worked as a high-ranking official in cross-Straits affairs in both the administrations of Lee Teng-hui (1996-2000) and Chen Shui-bian (2000-08).

Tsai participated in research work for Lee's cross-Straits policy, in which Lee claimed that relations between the mainland and Taiwan are special relations between states.

In 2000, Chen and the DPP for the first time beat the Kuomintang and took over the leadership of Taiwan. Tsai was appointed the first DPP chairperson of the mainland affairs authority. At a press conference, Tsai publicly denied that the DPP acknowledged the 1992 Consensus.

In 2011, Tsai tried to replace the 1992 Consensus with the so-called "Taiwan consensus" in her 10-year political program that she prepared for the election campaign the next year as the DPP candidate. However, Tsai could not deny the existence of the 1992 talks but still denied the 1992 Consensus during a televised debate between candidates.

In 2015, Tsai participated in the election campaign for the second time. She learned from the past experiences and took an ambiguous stance on cross-Straits relations. In her campaign remarks, Tsai acknowledged that both sides of the Taiwan Straits reached some consensus and mutual understanding at a meeting in 1992. But she stressed that the cross-Straits relations should "maintain the present status" under the conditions of respecting the "current constitutional framework," "democratic principles" and "the will of the people in Taiwan."

In this way, Tsai deliberately avoided mentioning the core meaning of the 1992 Consensus—that both the mainland and Taiwan are part of China.

Tsai's equivocation is not only a trick of words. In fact, the DPP still insists on the proposition of separating Taiwan from China, according to the party's constitution. Moreover, the DPP has not established a relationship of mutual trust with the mainland. Therefore, it is reasonable for the mainland to urge Tsai to make clear her attitude toward the 1992 Consensus.

In her inaugural remarks, Tsai said both sides of the Taiwan Straits should "seek common points while putting aside differences." According to her, the two sides should suspend the argument over the 1992 Consensus and maintain the progress they have achieved in the last eight years. That is to say, Tsai wants to maintain the relationship with the mainland without acknowledging the 1992 Consensus.

The mainland stresses that both sides of the Taiwan Straits must abide strictly by the principle that both the mainland and Taiwan belong to China, which is a political premise for developing cross-Straits relations. This is also a common point for people across the straits. In whatever terms, either historical or according to present circumstances, cross-Straits relations are not a relationship between two states. The 1992 Consensus is not only the political cornerstone of cross-Straits relations but also an indispensable condition for the mainland and Taiwan to put aside their differences. It is the bottom line for developing cross-Straits relations.

Without acknowledging the 1992 Consensus, Tsai's attempt to maintain the current breakaway status of Taiwan and legitimize the party's separation proposition is totally wishful thinking.

Follow China.org.cn on Twitter and Facebook to join the conversation.
1   2   Next  


Print E-mail Bookmark and Share

Go to Forum >>0 Comment(s)

No comments.

Add your comments...

  • User Name Required
  • Your Comment
  • Enter the words you see:   
    Racist, abusive and off-topic comments may be removed by the moderator.
Send your storiesGet more from China.org.cnMobileRSSNewsletter
主站蜘蛛池模板: 印度精品性hd高清| 香蕉久久夜色精品国产| 国产精品亚洲四区在线观看 | 金8国欧美系列在线| 老师好紧开裆蕾丝内裤小说| 特级av毛片免费观看| 日本精品久久久久护士| 天堂在线免费观看中文版| 国产欧美精品区一区二区三区| 制服丝袜怡红院| 亚洲一卡2卡4卡5卡6卡在线99 | 色偷偷人人澡人人爽人人模| 欧美日韩亚洲人人夜夜澡| 日本24小时www| 国产综合精品在线| 又大又粗又长视频| 亚洲av无码一区二区三区不卡| www.99色| 青青草原亚洲视频| 欧美日韩国产在线观看一区二区三区 | 2022国产精品视频| 综合网中文字幕| 杨幂精品国产福利在线| 大胸妈妈的朋友| 国产一级视频免费| 亚洲av无码日韩av无码网站冲 | 四虎精品成人免费永久| 亚洲一区电影在线观看| h无遮挡男女激烈动态图| 老师~你的技术真好好大| 欧美交换乱理伦片120秒| 天天摸日日添狠狠添婷婷| 啊灬啊灬用力灬别停岳视频 | 亚洲精品国产精品国自产观看| 中文字幕免费在线观看动作大片 | 自拍偷自拍亚洲精品被多人伦好爽 | 狠狠躁夜夜躁人人爽天天天天97 | 精品久久久久久无码中文字幕漫画| 最近中文字幕mv免费视频| 国内揄拍国内精品少妇国语| 午夜免费福利影院|