[By Zhai Haijun/China.org.cn]

The U.S. president seemed sympathetic to Vietnam and Malaysia, which, according to him, are having "a very difficult time negotiating with [their] giant neighbor," which clearly referred to China, in terms of trade deals and the issues in the South China Sea.

Then Obama's remarks became directional, he said the United States and Europe would continue to accept China as a "full partner" in certain international norms. But he urged the West to "recognize that there are going to be times where there are tensions and conflicts," although such tensions are "manageable."

"It's my belief that as China shifts its economy away from simply being the low-cost manufacturer of the world to wanting to move up the value chain, then suddenly issues like protecting intellectual property become more relevant to their companies, not just to U.S. companies," Obama said.

The U.S. president seemed confident in dealing with China as he told the Economist that firmness was necessary in U.S.-China bilateral relations, because the Chinese, who are not sentimental, or "interested in abstractions," will "push as hard as they can until they meet resistance."

In so saying, Obama meant that "simple appeals to international norms" are insufficient in Washington's bid to contain China, and there have to be tough mechanism to deal with China once the United States thinks China is breaching these norms.

Obama concluded his opinions about China and U.S.-China relations as saying they would be beneficial to China, and possibly to other emerging markets "over the long term."

Obama's China policies during his six years in the White House can be summed up as an "up and down" process. Obama, who won the election by promising voters changes, placed sincere hopes on cooperation with China, especially in fields such as industrial adjustment, new energy policies and efforts in combating climate change.

But Obama did not consider China's own difficulties, nor would he make compromises on issues that concerned China. Therefore, his idealism was bound to fail.

China is the second biggest concern for the White House, after Middle East issues. Obama maintains a seemingly rational stance in dealing with China, but in essence, his intention to contain China has only aggravated relations.

Obama's remarks on China were actually nothing new. They only reflected Washington's recent attitude in dealing with China: suppressing it in joint efforts with U.S. allies, based on international norms, with the bottom line being no direct confrontation with China.

A more important message in Obama's remarks was that China still occupies a fairly important place in the mind of the U.S. president. Also, the interview with the Economist shows that the White House regards China as a challenge that requires a prioritized focus. Finally, Obama seems unable to explain logically and clearly his policy on China; instead, his remarks were divergent, which would be interpreted as the administration's disarray in its global dominance.

But as Obama said, part of his job has been "to try to persuade countries that the United States will always shoulder a greater burden than others," but cautioned that the goal would require the participation of other countries, "given the complexity and interconnectedness of today's world."

This, in fact, is the essential idea Obama wished to convey in the talk. In his mind, China is a beneficial power to the United States but also one that Washington has to contain, in partnership with its allies.

China should better downplay Obama's remarks that were interpreted as his "toughness on China."But Obama has to know that he is facing rising risks in misunderstanding and misjudging China. If Obama continues to base U.S.-China relations on emotions, no one can prevent the United States from getting itself stuck in a mire.

This article was first published in Chinese and translated by Chen Boyuan.

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.