US trade politics remain the problem

By Zhang Lijuan
0 CommentsPrint E-mail China.org.cn, September 30, 2010
Adjust font size:

In May of 2009, US Congressmen Tim Ryan and Tim Murphy introduced the Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act (H.R. 2378). This served as a request for congressional legislation in response to perceived Chinese currency manipulation. A version of the House bill was passed recently and now, in the Senate, some senators have introduced a similar bill – S. 3134, the Currency Exchange Rate Oversight Reform Act of 2010.

With the past and current debate inside both nations, American politicians chose to use both legislative and political power to push China to further appreciate its currency.

The American argument is, with a stronger Chinese renminbi, US products will be more competitive in China and Chinese products will be less attractive to American consumers. Thus, the US trade deficit will be reduced, US workers will get more jobs, and an economic recovery will quickly follow. These objectives are admirable, but they are also idealistic, and it's questionable, at best, as to whether such legislation will fulfill the promises.

Several days ago, the House Ways and Means Committee held hearings to examine China's exchange rate policy. Although the arguments continue to focus on the renminbi undervaluation, the policy direction has now shifted towards a so-called free but fair trade focus.

Congressman Ryan argues that renminbi appreciation "can be a major stimulus and job creator for our country," while Murphy says "when countries, such as China, do not play by the rules…it is time for our government to step up and enforce those rules."

Both seem to be trying to explain why congress should enact their bill, but they have ignored facts and most of the evidence that shows an elevated renminbi exchange rate is not a panacea for a rapid and vigorous US economic recovery.

Warnings from experts and international organizations, such as the IMF, have provided strong evidence that renminbi appreciation will neither solve the US trade deficit issue, nor offer appreciable help with its economic recovery. It is also widely understood that this issue is one of the most convenient for politicians during the upcoming mid-term election.

US tariff history reveals that bad economic times seem to always produce bad political decisions. For example, a consequence of the Great Depression in the 1930s was the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act. It is considered a significant failure in that it caused a wide range of foreign retaliatory measures and ended with a worsened world trade environment.

Even if China does not choose to retaliate at this stage, punitive congressional legislation against China will do little to improve the US economy. In fact, behind the renminbi exchange rate issue, the problem is American trade politics. US trade-policy expert I.M. Destler has said, "US law and practice maintained a set of 'trade remedies' designed to offer recourse to interests seriously injured by imports and to those up against what were considered 'unfair' foreign practices."

Much of the Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act 2009 simply reiterates the mechanisms that allow American industries and workers to seek remedies under current trade laws, and it applies a "fair" standard for currency manipulation. The fact is that the current American trade policy-making system does provide enormous institutional advantages to American interest groups in the face of international competition. Throughout the years, many American industries have been beneficiaries of this system. The recent case concerning the US-China tire safeguard dispute is a good example.

To a large extent, the US does not win disputed cases with facts or fair standards. Instead, the US enjoys a very competitive and effective institutional regime, which has been set up by the unique American political and legal regime. When the trade game is played at the institutional level, there is no nation that can beat the U.S.

Today, tariffs are no longer the tactic of choice. The better alternative is to build a stronger national institutional regime, which also serves as a powerful tool for creating superior world trade competitiveness. There is no doubt that the U.S. has been successful in making its trade policy-making system serve its powerful role in trade and the world economy. The Chinese government has a long way to go with respect to this endeavor and can learn a few good lessons from the American trade politics. There are sure to be many ups and downs in US-China trade relations. However, with some American-styled trade politics, China may very well level the playing field.

The U.S. should not exaggerate the potential role of renminbi appreciation in regard to its own economic recovery. By the same token, there is no single solution for the Chinese government to pursue to solve the issue. A single, one-time, appreciation won't solve all the problems the U.S. faces. Currently, there's too much counterproductive politics surrounding renminbi appreciation that threatens to poison future US-China trade relations.

The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit:

http://www.ccgp-fushun.com/opinion/node_7075405.htm

 

Print E-mail Bookmark and Share

Go to Forum >>0 Comments

No comments.

Add your comments...

  • User Name Required
  • Your Comment
  • Racist, abusive and off-topic comments may be removed by the moderator.
Send your storiesGet more from China.org.cnMobileRSSNewsletter
主站蜘蛛池模板: 色橹橹欧美在线观看视频高清 | 亚洲国产天堂久久综合| 男女裸体影院高潮| 国产xxxx做受欧美88xx00tube| 91在线|欧美| 国产精品igao视频网| 69av视频在线观看| 在线观看国产一区亚洲bd| 一区二区三区日本视频| 成在人线av无码免费高潮水| 久久久久久久性潮| 日韩在线一区二区三区免费视频 | 桃子视频在线观看高清免费视频| 亚洲欧美一区二区三区二厂| 爱福利极品盛宴| 免费亚洲视频在线观看| 精品欧洲男同同志videos| 国产97在线看| 色欲麻豆国产福利精品| 国产亚洲精品bt天堂精选| 麻豆91在线视频| 国产情侣一区二区三区| 国产精品久久自在自线观看| 国产的一级毛片完整| 亚洲五月激情网| 国产精品一国产精品| 男女拍拍拍免费视频网站| 国产精品美女久久久网站动漫| 91天堂素人精品系列网站| 欧美边吃奶边爱边做视频| 偷偷狠狠的日日高清完整视频| 精品久久久久不卡无毒| 午夜毛片不卡免费观看视频| 美女网站在线观看视频18| 嘟嘟嘟www在线观看免费高清| 色噜噜狠狠色综合成人网| 国产中文字幕视频在线观看| 西西人体www高清大胆视频| 国产精品入口麻豆高清| 2022天天躁夜夜躁西| 国产精品多p对白交换绿帽|