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Promoting a mature Sino-Japanese relationship

By Shen Dingli
0 CommentsPrint E-mail China.org.cn, August 28, 2010
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Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada is visiting Beijing on August 26-29, 2010. We warmly welcome him.

For decades, Japan has been one of China's main economic partners, engaging with us in both investment and trade. There is an ever growing China-Japan cultural and educational exchange that has benefited hundreds of millions of people from both countries.

Contemporary Japan is a strategic partner of China. Tokyo and Beijing worked together to combat hegemonism during latter phases of the Cold War. China supported Japanese claims to the Kurile Islands. After China launched its economic opening-up policy, the Japanese government offered substantial development assistance, enriching the Chinese people and fueling China's economic development. At a time when China is in the process of overtaking Japan in terms of economic output, let us pay tribute to Japan's help and cooperation.

But the economic and trading relationship between China and Japan is a two-way process. Japan got a good return through investing in China. The ever growing Chinese middle-class offers Japan the prospect of a major consumer market on the Asian continent. Japan has relaxed its visa rules for Chinese tourists as it cannot afford to forgo the business generated by Chinese visitors to its islands.

Throughout history, China and Japan have had experienced rich cultural exchanges. The Chinese brought religion, language and architecture to Japan, while western socialist ideas came to China via Japan. Both China and Japan were victimized by western gunboat diplomacy in the 19th century, though after Japan's rise as a major power, it followed in the footstep of western colonizers, and significantly damaged China's sovereignty and dignity.

Japan's aggressive expansionism was initially successful but eventually its imperialist pursuits ended in self destruction. Japan was defeated and has been occupied by American forces since the end of the Pacific War. Its recent quest for normalcy has provoked mixed feelings among its former victims in the region. The present JDP government in Tokyo has sought a more equal relationship with America, and a greater degree of independence in foreign policy.

But so far, the quest has not been very successful. The JDP's request to relocate the US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma was categorically rejected by the US government. The Japanese still do not enjoy full sovereignty and depend on America for security.

Perhaps for the first time in recorded history, Japan and China are rising simultaneously. This is in contrast to the previous century when China was undermined by Japanese expansionism. But Japan drew lessons from WWII, and now aspires to peaceful growth. Now that China is taking the lead in economic output (though let us remember that in per capita terms China is way behind), the two countries have entered into a deeply co-dependent, though tacitly competitive, partnership.

China welcomes Japan's overall apology to its East Asian neighbors for its war-time aggression, but wishes Tokyo could be more genuine and straightforward. China in some sense regrets Japan's being occupied by America, but also has concerns about the Japan-US mutual defense pact that might lead to joint offensive action. As a result China seems not to have been inspired by Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

At the strategic level, China and Japan still have many reasons to distrust each other. Beijing is concerned about the security implications of the US-Japan alliance on Taiwan. China and Japan also have maritime disputes over some areas of the East China Sea, including the Diaoyu Islands. After rebuilding its navy impressively over the past decades, Japan now seems apprehensive of China's naval build-up. It is crucial that the two countries engage in a security as well as an economic dialogue, dealing with each other with caution to avoid unnecessary tensions. It is encouraging that China has proposed to Japan to speed up the process of establishing a maritime liaison mechanism between their defense sectors.

The current meetings between Foreign Minister Okada and his Chinese counterpart, Minister Yang Jiechi, as well as with Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan, present an opportunity to readdress some sensitive issues of concern to both sides. One cannot realistically expect the settlement of territorial disputes after one or two rounds of dialogue, but China and Japan will no doubt set up defense confidence-building measures, like those established between China and America, and between China and South Korea. Beijing and Tokyo will be able to talk, at both political and military levels, as quickly as possible should a contentious issue occur, especially, regarding maritime disputes.

The Third Sino-Japanese High-Level Economic Dialogue that Minister Okada will participate in Beijing will further the discussion among senior leaders on revitalizing the global economy through bilateral and regional mechanisms. Japan and China, as the second and third biggest economies in the world, have a major responsibility in stabilizing the world economic and financial situation. As China becomes more interested in buying Japanese state bonds lately, their economic ties are sure to strengthen further.

One particular issue that Minister Okada might be interested in raising is the trade in rare earths. As a resource-poor state, Japan needs to import minerals and other resources, including the rare earth metals with which China is richly endowed. But China's rapid development means it is less of an imperative to export than it was, especially when Beijing is finding it difficult to control the pricing of its rare earth ores. Therefore Japan and other industrial countries want to talk to China regarding access to these resources, so as to settle any disputes to their mutual benefit.

As mentioned above, Japan is seeking normalcy but it has a long way to go before it can hope to achieve equality in its relations with Washington. Japan has consciously failed to enforce its "nuclear three no's" policy which forbids the stationing of nuclear weapons in the country. As America still shoulders the main responsibility for protecting Japan, Tokyo cannot afford to be too independent.

This affected the position the Japanese took on the Cheonan incident. It is fine for Japan to follow the Statement of the President of the UN Security Council on this issue, but Japan should be careful in asserting who caused the sinking of the South Korean corvette. While China and Japan share fundamental interests in East Asian peace and stability, Japan's high-handed stance on the issue is not constructive. Japan's siding with America in Washington's challenge to China's claim to part of the South China Sea has also driven a wedge between Tokyo and Beijing. Japan may be unhappy about China's claims, but it is unnecessary to threaten to choke off China's access to the South China Sea.

The simultaneous rise of China and Japan has to be handled sensibly. The two powers are main generators of wealth in the region, and contribute to both regional and global prosperity. They are also increasingly influential on the world political stage and therefore hold important keys to the peace and stability of humankind. The inevitable competition accompanying their rise should be handled constructively, with each according the other a status commensurate with its competence and contribution.

There is a long way to go before China catches up with Japan in per capita terms or in terms of balanced development. In this regard China will need Japanese collaboration. Tokyo need not worry that China will overtake Japan comprehensively but has to be prepared to see China grow much faster than Japan. Eventually Japan will have to tolerate the emergence, in its neighborhood, of a developed economy several times bigger than its own. The two powers have to respect each other's strength and prepare for this new reality. Minister Okada's visit is an important step in building a collaborative and mutually accommodating partnership.

The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit: http://www.ccgp-fushun.com/opinion/node_7082361.htm

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