Following is the full text of an article titled "'Dalai
Lama's high-degree autonomy for Tibet' means overthrowing China's
social system" by Hua Zi:
In an interview following the Fifth Session of the Tenth
National People' s Congress (NPC) in 2007, a reporter from
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung asked Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao
that why the Chinese Government still regarded the Dalai Lama as a
national secessionist since he indicated that he no longer sought
Tibet independence?
Premier Wen replied: "Tibet is an autonomous region of China. If
you still remember, this Dalai Lama served as the chairman of the
Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region
in 1956. But he later set up the so-called provisional government
abroad. He stressed ‘a high degree of autonomy' for Tibet and even
went so far as to demand the total withdrawal of Chinese troops
from Tibet and Han people and people of non-Tibetan ethnic groups
residing in Tibet. It is not difficult to observe whether he really
hopes for the unification of the motherland or he attempts to
sabotage the motherland's unification. We will see not only what he
says, but also what he does. We hope that the Dalai Lama will do
more good things for the motherland's unification and development
in Tibet."
With regard to the policy of the Central Government on the Dalai
Lama, the cardinal principle has always remained unchanged. Shortly
after he went into exile in 1959, Mao Zedong had pointed out in
explicit terms: "The Dalai Lama can return home as long as he backs
the two principles: first, Tibet is a part of China; second,
democratic and socialist reforms must be carried out in Tibet."
Today, the expression of the Central Government concerning the
Dalai issue is that "as long as he renounces his proposition of
"Tibet independence", stops his secessionist activities and
recognizes Tibet as a part of China, Taiwan as a part of China as
well and the government of the People's Republic of China as the
sole legitimate government representing the whole of China, the
gate to engagement and negotiations is open. The words are
different and yet the principles are in one continuous line.
Viewing the pursuits of the Dalai Lama, "Tibet independence" has
always been obviously written in his so-called "Exile-Government
Constitution," with no revisions ever made to date. Some people in
the world kept on saying that the Dalai Lama has abandoned "Tibet
independence. " In fact, however, they can know the whole truth by
just spending one minute reading the "Constitution." Since the late
1970s, the Dalai Lama has put forward pursuits in succession such
as "a high-degree of autonomy," "a greater Tibet region" and "one
country, two systems." All this was described by some people as
"the Dalai Lama working for the benefit of the Tibet people, the
preservation of the traditional Tibetan culture and the carrying
forward of Tibetan Buddhism. " In the eyes of wise people, however,
these high-sounding words cannot cover Dalai Lama's two basic
targets: "Tibet independence" and opposition to the current social
system as prescribed by China's Constitution.
The Dalai Lama used to support China's Constitution and social
system. On November 17, 1950, he came into power at the age of less
than 16. We can see that the young Dalai Lama indeed cherished the
ideal and wish to do something for Tibet, although it was the storm
of various types of conflicts that pushed him to the forefront of
the Tibetan local government combining religion and political
affairs and there were all kinds of people with various purposes
who attempted to influence him in making decisions. In accordance
with the wish of the Tibetan people, he followed the advices of
patriotic forces of the upper class represented by Ngapoi Ngawang
Jigme to enable the Tibetan local government to sign with the
Central Government the 17- Point Agreement on liberating Tibet
peacefully. In 1954, he came to Beijing to attend the First Session
of the National People's Congress, at which he was elected vice
chairman of the Standing Committee, becoming a state leader. When
discussing the first Draft Constitution of the People's Republic of
China, he said, "The Constitution of the People's Republic of China
conforms to the national interests of the whole country," "In
particular, the Draft Constitution stipulates that various ethnic
groups may formulate their own autonomous regulations in accordance
with their own development characteristics, in order to fully
exercise their autonomous rights." In 1956, the Preparatory
Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region was
established and the Dalai Lama was elected the chairman. He said in
his report at the inaugural ceremony: "The establishment of the
Preparatory Committee for Establishing Tibetan Autonomous Region is
not only in good time but also necessary," "We sincerely support
the policy of the Communist Party of China and the Central People's
Government on practicing regional autonomy in areas inhabited by
the people of ethnic groups, equality and unity among various
ethnic groups, and on protecting freedom in religious belief."
Regrettably, the then Dalai Lama was still young after all, and
did not resist and finally yielded to the influence and control of
two old forces. One force was the imperialist force that used him
to curb the development of the newly-born People's Republic of
China led by the Communist Party of China. The other force involved
the people around him who incited him to oppose the reform and
split the nation. These people were beneficiaries of the feudal
serfdom integrating politics and religion, including his family
members. These people could not accept the change in the social
system that would come sooner or later, and could not tolerate the
deprivation of their various feudal privileges. Therefore, they
attempted to protect their rights and interests at all costs,
including eventually instigating the Dalai Lama to flee from the
motherland.
After the Dalai Lama went abroad, he was more closely surrounded
and influenced by the former serf-owners and secessionists, and
depended on others for subsistence. Since then, he has gone farther
and farther on the path to betray his homeland and the people,
becoming a tool of foreign anti-China forces and a chief
representative of the "Tibet independence" secessionist forces. Mao
Zedong well perceived this clearly long ago. He said, "If he (the
Dalai Lama) is willing to return home and can break away from the
reactionaries, we hope that he can return home. In fact, however,
it seems impossible for him to return home now. He is unable to
break away from these people." In the 40-plus years after the Dalai
Lama' left his hometown, Tibet has carried out democratic reforms,
established the socialist system under which the people serve as
the masters of the country, practiced regional autonomy for the
people of ethnic groups, and made "sweeping" progress in the large
family of the socialist motherland. Even the people who still yearn
for the feudal serfdom have to acknowledge that the present-day
Tibet is much better than that old Tibet. Although the reason is
simple and the fact is clear, some people still cannot accept this.
The Dalai Lama is such a person.
In no way is Dalai Lama willing to acknowledge the present
social system in Tibet. He has been to the United States and Europe
to put forward the so-called "Five-Point Peace Plan for Tibet" and
the "new Seven-Point Proposal" and preach his propositions such as
"autonomy in the true sense," "one country, two systems" and "the
greater Tibetan region." He did all this under the signboard of
enabling the Tibetan people to become the true masters of Tibet and
to shake off "dictatorship," so as to achieve "democracy" and
receive "the real benefits." But as a matter of fact, he refused to
accept and attempted to overthrow the socialist system and the
ethnic regional autonomous system that has been practiced for
40-plus years in Tibet, for the purpose of restoring the "paradise"
for a tiny number of people in old Tibet.
Last year, a scholar named Yiduo published an article titled "My
view on Dalai Lama's ‘Middle Road'" and explained in detail the
"mystery" of Dalai Lama's attempts. All of us might as well read
his article. The article pointed out that the essence of Dalai
Lama's so-called "middle road" is to change Tibet's socialist
system and restore the feudal serfdom in old Tibet; to change the
ethnic regional autonomous system, which has been practiced for
more than 40 years in Tibet, in an attempt to pursue the so-called
"high degree of autonomy." This means that the Central Government
is in charge of the foreign affairs and national defense only, that
the relationship between Tibet and the Central Government is
defined as that of a so-called "union" and that Tibet should be
made an "international peace zone." But in fact, the Central
Government's powers in foreign affairs and national defense exist
in name only. So, the "middle road" attempts to overthrow the
leading position of the Communist Party of China and to enable his
so-called "exile government" to return home and take over Tibet.
This many people in the world see very clearly. In his book "Dalai
Lama and China – the Solution to the Tibet Issue," Melvyn
Goldstein, a U.S. expert on Tibet, said, "Dharamsala has found they
are in an awkward situation. Obviously, Beijing will never allow
Tibet to practice a different political system, let alone
independence." "China's uncompromising attitude makes them feel
angry and frustrated. Besides, at the bottom of their hearts, they
cannot believe that they can live under rule of the Communist Party
of China." "In fact, the communist party's rule is
unquestionable."
The barrier between the Dalai Lama and the Central Government
cannot be removed easily if both sides take a step back, as hoped
for by some kind people. The socialist system and ethnic regional
autonomous system are the historic choice made by the Tibetan
people. They constitute the system guarantee for Tibet's
development and progress, and have taken root in land in Tibet and
among the people of all ethnic groups residing there. If the Dalai
Lama does not want to change his position, he would probably have
no choice but to waste the rest of his life in Dharamsala.
?
(Xinhua News Agency October 5, 2007)
