Following is the full text of an article titled "'Dalai Lama's high-degree autonomy for Tibet' means overthrowing China's social system" by Hua Zi:
In an interview following the Fifth Session of the Tenth National People' s Congress (NPC) in 2007, a reporter from Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung asked Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao that why the Chinese Government still regarded the Dalai Lama as a national secessionist since he indicated that he no longer sought Tibet independence?
Premier Wen replied: "Tibet is an autonomous region of China. If you still remember, this Dalai Lama served as the chairman of the Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region in 1956. But he later set up the so-called provisional government abroad. He stressed ‘a high degree of autonomy' for Tibet and even went so far as to demand the total withdrawal of Chinese troops from Tibet and Han people and people of non-Tibetan ethnic groups residing in Tibet. It is not difficult to observe whether he really hopes for the unification of the motherland or he attempts to sabotage the motherland's unification. We will see not only what he says, but also what he does. We hope that the Dalai Lama will do more good things for the motherland's unification and development in Tibet."
With regard to the policy of the Central Government on the Dalai Lama, the cardinal principle has always remained unchanged. Shortly after he went into exile in 1959, Mao Zedong had pointed out in explicit terms: "The Dalai Lama can return home as long as he backs the two principles: first, Tibet is a part of China; second, democratic and socialist reforms must be carried out in Tibet." Today, the expression of the Central Government concerning the Dalai issue is that "as long as he renounces his proposition of "Tibet independence", stops his secessionist activities and recognizes Tibet as a part of China, Taiwan as a part of China as well and the government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate government representing the whole of China, the gate to engagement and negotiations is open. The words are different and yet the principles are in one continuous line.
Viewing the pursuits of the Dalai Lama, "Tibet independence" has always been obviously written in his so-called "Exile-Government Constitution," with no revisions ever made to date. Some people in the world kept on saying that the Dalai Lama has abandoned "Tibet independence. " In fact, however, they can know the whole truth by just spending one minute reading the "Constitution." Since the late 1970s, the Dalai Lama has put forward pursuits in succession such as "a high-degree of autonomy," "a greater Tibet region" and "one country, two systems." All this was described by some people as "the Dalai Lama working for the benefit of the Tibet people, the preservation of the traditional Tibetan culture and the carrying forward of Tibetan Buddhism. " In the eyes of wise people, however, these high-sounding words cannot cover Dalai Lama's two basic targets: "Tibet independence" and opposition to the current social system as prescribed by China's Constitution.
The Dalai Lama used to support China's Constitution and social system. On November 17, 1950, he came into power at the age of less than 16. We can see that the young Dalai Lama indeed cherished the ideal and wish to do something for Tibet, although it was the storm of various types of conflicts that pushed him to the forefront of the Tibetan local government combining religion and political affairs and there were all kinds of people with various purposes who attempted to influence him in making decisions. In accordance with the wish of the Tibetan people, he followed the advices of patriotic forces of the upper class represented by Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme to enable the Tibetan local government to sign with the Central Government the 17- Point Agreement on liberating Tibet peacefully. In 1954, he came to Beijing to attend the First Session of the National People's Congress, at which he was elected vice chairman of the Standing Committee, becoming a state leader. When discussing the first Draft Constitution of the People's Republic of China, he said, "The Constitution of the People's Republic of China conforms to the national interests of the whole country," "In particular, the Draft Constitution stipulates that various ethnic groups may formulate their own autonomous regulations in accordance with their own development characteristics, in order to fully exercise their autonomous rights." In 1956, the Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region was established and the Dalai Lama was elected the chairman. He said in his report at the inaugural ceremony: "The establishment of the Preparatory Committee for Establishing Tibetan Autonomous Region is not only in good time but also necessary," "We sincerely support the policy of the Communist Party of China and the Central People's Government on practicing regional autonomy in areas inhabited by the people of ethnic groups, equality and unity among various ethnic groups, and on protecting freedom in religious belief."
Regrettably, the then Dalai Lama was still young after all, and did not resist and finally yielded to the influence and control of two old forces. One force was the imperialist force that used him to curb the development of the newly-born People's Republic of China led by the Communist Party of China. The other force involved the people around him who incited him to oppose the reform and split the nation. These people were beneficiaries of the feudal serfdom integrating politics and religion, including his family members. These people could not accept the change in the social system that would come sooner or later, and could not tolerate the deprivation of their various feudal privileges. Therefore, they attempted to protect their rights and interests at all costs, including eventually instigating the Dalai Lama to flee from the motherland.
After the Dalai Lama went abroad, he was more closely surrounded and influenced by the former serf-owners and secessionists, and depended on others for subsistence. Since then, he has gone farther and farther on the path to betray his homeland and the people, becoming a tool of foreign anti-China forces and a chief representative of the "Tibet independence" secessionist forces. Mao Zedong well perceived this clearly long ago. He said, "If he (the Dalai Lama) is willing to return home and can break away from the reactionaries, we hope that he can return home. In fact, however, it seems impossible for him to return home now. He is unable to break away from these people." In the 40-plus years after the Dalai Lama' left his hometown, Tibet has carried out democratic reforms, established the socialist system under which the people serve as the masters of the country, practiced regional autonomy for the people of ethnic groups, and made "sweeping" progress in the large family of the socialist motherland. Even the people who still yearn for the feudal serfdom have to acknowledge that the present-day Tibet is much better than that old Tibet. Although the reason is simple and the fact is clear, some people still cannot accept this. The Dalai Lama is such a person.
In no way is Dalai Lama willing to acknowledge the present social system in Tibet. He has been to the United States and Europe to put forward the so-called "Five-Point Peace Plan for Tibet" and the "new Seven-Point Proposal" and preach his propositions such as "autonomy in the true sense," "one country, two systems" and "the greater Tibetan region." He did all this under the signboard of enabling the Tibetan people to become the true masters of Tibet and to shake off "dictatorship," so as to achieve "democracy" and receive "the real benefits." But as a matter of fact, he refused to accept and attempted to overthrow the socialist system and the ethnic regional autonomous system that has been practiced for 40-plus years in Tibet, for the purpose of restoring the "paradise" for a tiny number of people in old Tibet.
Last year, a scholar named Yiduo published an article titled "My view on Dalai Lama's ‘Middle Road'" and explained in detail the "mystery" of Dalai Lama's attempts. All of us might as well read his article. The article pointed out that the essence of Dalai Lama's so-called "middle road" is to change Tibet's socialist system and restore the feudal serfdom in old Tibet; to change the ethnic regional autonomous system, which has been practiced for more than 40 years in Tibet, in an attempt to pursue the so-called "high degree of autonomy." This means that the Central Government is in charge of the foreign affairs and national defense only, that the relationship between Tibet and the Central Government is defined as that of a so-called "union" and that Tibet should be made an "international peace zone." But in fact, the Central Government's powers in foreign affairs and national defense exist in name only. So, the "middle road" attempts to overthrow the leading position of the Communist Party of China and to enable his so-called "exile government" to return home and take over Tibet. This many people in the world see very clearly. In his book "Dalai Lama and China – the Solution to the Tibet Issue," Melvyn Goldstein, a U.S. expert on Tibet, said, "Dharamsala has found they are in an awkward situation. Obviously, Beijing will never allow Tibet to practice a different political system, let alone independence." "China's uncompromising attitude makes them feel angry and frustrated. Besides, at the bottom of their hearts, they cannot believe that they can live under rule of the Communist Party of China." "In fact, the communist party's rule is unquestionable."
The barrier between the Dalai Lama and the Central Government cannot be removed easily if both sides take a step back, as hoped for by some kind people. The socialist system and ethnic regional autonomous system are the historic choice made by the Tibetan people. They constitute the system guarantee for Tibet's development and progress, and have taken root in land in Tibet and among the people of all ethnic groups residing there. If the Dalai Lama does not want to change his position, he would probably have no choice but to waste the rest of his life in Dharamsala.
(Xinhua News Agency October 5, 2007)
