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What Causes Rafsanjani's Return?

Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Iran's former president as powerful as nicknamed "Shah Akbar," has registered to run for a third term, a move believed to be prompted by Iran's current diplomatic and domestic predicaments as well as his personal concerns.  

Before his final declaration of return on Tuesday, Rafsanjani kept the whole country doubting on whether he would stand in what many analysts have called "the most important presidential elections after the Islamic Revolution."

 

Indeed, the significance of the elections on June 17 has not been overvalued.

 

Iran's ultra-conservatives, who have dominated the Majlis (parliament) and the judiciary body, are believed to outperform open-minded politicians with a sweeping win in the elections. The conservative camp also launched a series of moves against incumbent reformist cabinet, including tightening control on foreign cooperation and impeaching ministers after they took the Majlis in February 2004.

 

Furthermore, the conservatives have also introduced several highly competitive potential candidates, including former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati and former IRIB (state broadcasting body) Director Ali Larijani.

 

They lashed out at the so-called inefficiency and corruption of the reformist government, holding high flag of "social justice" and "national dignity."

 

Facing the threat, the reformist faction has several choices, including former parliament head Mehdi Karroubi and former Minister of Science, Research and Technology Mostafa Moin.

 

Rafsanjani, well known for his expertise in economic field and political wisdom as well as muscles to carry out realistic reforms, has therefore become a suitable figure to counterbalance the conservatives.

 

Meanwhile, as nuclear negotiations between Iran and the EU have come to a dangerous deadlock, Rafsanjani is also viewed as capable of achieving a breakthrough.

 

A softened US attitude would be beneficial to a final solution to Iran's nuclear issue as well as the country's tie with the West. In this connection, Rafsanjani is the only one within the regime who can talk directly with Washington, an advantage enthusiastically suggested by his disciples.

 

Additionally, all of other reformist candidates will be vulnerable to the disqualification of the hardline Guardian Council, as what happened in 2004's Majlis elections. As a veteran Islamic revolutionary with his own political orbit, Rafsanjani does not need to worry about the Guardian Council. In fact, the conservatives did try to block him from the elections by setting age limit, but their efforts went in vain.

 

Several recent public opinion polls have indicated that Rafsanjani is currently viewed as the most suitable, though not the best choice for the country.

 

As for "Shah Akbar" himself, influence of his Expediency Council has been weakened by the conservatives' concurrent grasp of both the Majlis and the Guardian Council, which means that bills passed by the Majlis will not be vetoed by the Guardian Council and naturally need not to go to Rafsanjani's office for further arbitration.

 

As former president, 71-year-old Rafsanjani has been far from the political frontline over the past eight years. He has to come back to solidify his position in the country before it is too late.   With the image of a pragmatic reformist, Rafsanjani is now regarded as the only one who is capable, and more importantly, powerful enough to lead the country out of lingering troubles ranging from economic sluggishness to nuclear row.

 

(Xinhua News Agency May 12, 2005)

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