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Seven of the twelve aircraft-carrier combat groups of the United States will gather in the West Pacific in mid-July for joint military maneuvers, which will include surface joint operations, anti-submarine and submarine operations, sea-and-air joint operations and harbor visits.
Involving more than 50 warships, 600 aircraft and 150,000 servicemen from various services, this military maneuver, coded as "Summer Pulse 2004," started on June 5 and includes five areas around the world, namely, the Atlantic Ocean, Pacific Ocean, Indian Ocean, the Gulf, the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, and is said to be the largest military exercise ever held.
The timing and the choice of areas indicate that these maneuvers have multiple purposes. The US military claims that the maneuver constitutes the annual test of its combat readiness system.
But in addition to this, it is aimed at helping Bush's presidential election campaign, putting pressure on the parties trying to resolve the nuclear issue in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) through negotiations.
The major purpose of this exercise is to try out the new Asia-Pacific strategy of the United States.
The US Asia-Pacific strategy is a long-term and consistent one, which is to maintain peace and security under US domination, obtain commercial access to this region, ensure free navigation and prevent the rise of any hegemonic force or alliance.
Since George W. Bush took office in 2001, the US Government has put more stress on power politics and the use of force in its strategic approaches, with maintaining Asia-Pacific stability under US domination as a basic strategic concept. This is the core concept in the adjustment of the US military's Asia-Pacific strategy.
One of the main aims in the adjustment of the US military Asia-Pacific strategy is enhancing the capability of long-distance deployment and maneuverability of US troops stationed overseas.
Bush has stressed that the use of force should be based on the principle of "quick in and quick out." With the improvement of the capability of long-distance deployment and mobility of US forces, the United States began to cut back on "stationed forces" in the Asia-Pacific region, while strengthening its capability of "entering at anytime."
To prevent the formation of an alliance against itself, the United States is attempting to set up a structure of balance under its domination so as to ensure a balance between the rising powers and key Asian nations that have not yet allied themselves with the United States.
At the same time, the United States is attempting to replace the traditional Asia-Pacific bilateral alliances with the open new alliance concept by taking advantage of the September 11 events.
Objectively, the adjustment of the US military strategy towards the Asia-Pacific is of both positive and negative significance to the peace and stability of this region.
On the one hand, the emergence of terrorism, proliferation of weapons, and increase of transnational crime has brought the post-Cold War world community more non-traditional security threats than traditional ones. Under the conditions of economic globalization, the consequences of the non-traditional factors always go beyond the borders of a single country, which could harm the national interests of the United States and the interests of the other nations as well.
Improving the long-distance deployment capability and maneuverability of US forces stationed overseas will undoubtedly play a positive role in maintaining non-traditional security.
However, the adjustment of the US military strategy towards the Asia-Pacific is also a hidden menace to peace and stability in the region.
The Asia-Pacific region features concentrated "hot spots," different cultural values and large gaps between the rich and the poor. The emphasis of the "US factor" in international relations in this region will not only complicate relations between Asia-Pacific powers but also make it harder for Asia-Pacific nations to independently deal with their domestic and international problems.
One of the key purposes of the American military presence in the Asia-Pacific is to prevent the rapid rise of any power or group force so as to maintain its own unilateral superiority and hegemonic system for a longer time. Once any Asia-Pacific nation's policy is not in line with the national interests of the United States, its military presence in the region will be transformed into a real threatening force.
In fact, in a regionalized power structure, the activities of the weaker countries are controlled by the more powerful nations. Therefore, the regional powers of the Asia-Pacific such as China and Russia are faced with a problem, namely, how to enhance the effectiveness of coordinating and handling regional security issues among them, strengthen collective and national interests and ensure their independence and influence within the increasingly mechanized Asia-Pacific security framework.
Russia has already worked out its own interpretation of the adjustment of the US Asia-Pacific strategy and taken necessary measures. Almost at the same time the United States started its "Summer Pulse 2004," Russia carried out a large-scale military maneuver coded "Mobile 2004" in the area from the Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean starting on June 9.
Russia's military maneuver is aimed at demonstrating its capability to cope with challenges of any form in the Asia-Pacific and to make clear its existence in this region, rather than confronting the United States militarily.
Hence, the Chinese armed forces should also set up a mobile and flexible rapid reaction mechanism. Though China does not have troops stationed abroad, it should designate duty areas for its military units within the region if any emergency occurs, establish a mobile and flexible military command system and improve its rapid deployment capability of weapons, equipment and personnel as well as emergency combat capability.
In the transformation of the Asia-Pacific military structure, China shall not be left dependent on the United States or Russia. Nor should it confront them.
China shares two common goals with the United States and Russia, namely, sharing the responsibility of maintaining the security of the Asia-Pacific region and preventing any side from forcing its own will upon the others, so as to form a positive restrictive mechanism for mutual supervision and collaboration between China, Russia and the United States.
Such a mechanism would reflect the UN Security Council's principle of "consensus between powers" in regional security as well as being a necessary pre-condition for regional stability and world peace.
The mission of this mechanism is to distinguish which are internal affairs of a nation, which are sub-regional affairs and which are affairs of common concern within the Asia-Pacific region, on the basis of which the principle and degree of involvement in these affairs by the three powers will be further demarcated.
(China Daily July 8, 2004)
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