Since taking office, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has issued a series of hardline foreign policies that have fully exposed his hawkish ways.
Following his self-proclaimed "new century reforms" of domestic affairs, Koizumi has undertaken coordinated reforms on Japanese foreign policy.
Just like his predecessors, Koizumi continues to pursue a pro-US foreign policy, making Japanese relations with the United States the crux of his foreign policies.
Disregarding serious concerns from its Asian neighbors, the Koizumi government still passed a series of bills to dispatch Japan's Self-Defence Forces (SDF) to overseas regions.
Japan's unveiled "military power" attempt has caused East Asia to worry.
Revising the Peaceful Constitution and breaking from the "shadow of World War II" has always been regarded as a necessary step to realize Japan's dream of a "normal state."
To this end, Koizumi has inherited his predecessors' long-cherished wish for revisions to the Constitution.
Article 9, which specifically clarifies that Japan has no right to use force or threaten to use force to settle international disputes, has become the first target of Japanese rightists.
In response to calls from domestic revisionists, Koizumi has explicitly expressed his intention on many occasions to change Article 9.
On historic issues, Koizumi has adopted an even tougher position than his predecessors.
The Koizumi government in April approved a plan to publish textbooks compiled by Japanese rightist historians that distorted history. The books soured Japan's relations with China and the Republic of Korea (ROK).
Turning a blind eye to severe opposition from Asian countries, Koizumi publicly visited Yasukuni Shrine twice, which honors many Japanese war criminals, including class-A war criminal Hideki Tojo.
Such historic issues have proven to be an insurmountable hurdle between Japan and its neighbors.
Despite frequent reshuffling in domestic politics, Japan has never ceased its efforts to participate in international affairs for the pursuit of its "military and political power" status.
After inheriting diplomatic relics from its preceding governments, the Koizumi government has made every effort to strengthen the Japan-US alliance so as to raise its international status with support from the United States.
The September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States was considered a rare chance for Japan to advance towards its long-cherished "normal state" dream by firmly supporting the US-led anti-terrorist campaign.
On October 29, 2001, the Japanese Congress passed three anti-terrorism bills -- finally realizing Japan's long-time dream to dispatch its SDF abroad.
Policy readjustments by US President George W. Bush also offered an extremely favorable international environment for Koizumi's hawkish diplomatic steps.
Shortly after assuming the US presidency, Bush conveyed to Japan that he would attach more importance to Japan and enhance the US-Japanese alliance.
In recent years, the influence of new Japanese generations, who have little grip on Japan's aggression history, has been increasing in Japanese politics.
The rapid expansion of these generations has provided an effective breeding ground for Japan's hardline foreign policies.
Since the 1990s, Japan has been bogged down in protracted economic depression.
To distract attention from those domestic problems, some politicians attempt to promote tougher foreign and defence policies.
Koizumi's bold reforms are just the comprehensive result of rising nationalism in Japan and its political and economic status quo.
Against the backdrop of its long-time economic slump, Japan feels huge pressure from China's high-speed and sound economic development.
That has brought about a psychological imbalance in Japan and has increased its cautious attitude against China.
Japan's distorted propagation about China, from the "China collapse" prophecy to the "China threat" theory, indicates that a strong China is not welcome to Japan.
(The authors are associate professors with Harbin Normal University, and the article was originally published by the Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies.)
( August 15, 2002)
