|
Now that the interpretation of the Basic Law by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) has removed unknown factors in Hong Kong's constitutional development, three major issues should be high on Hong Kong's agenda: step up public awareness of the Basic Law; seek a political development plan that is agreeable to all sides; and concentrate on reviving the economy, says a signed article in Wen Wei Po yesterday. Excerpts follow:
The recent debate surrounding constitutional development has shown that the Basic Law's constitutional status in the SAR has not sunk in, and its legislative intent is still unknown to the public. Moreover, the mechanism that monitors the implementation of the mini-constitution is far from perfect.
What is now needed is a redoubled effort at promoting the Basic Law and the instillation of the concept that implementing the mini-constitution is the duty of all Hong Kong citizens.
Unlike the "letter patent" and "royal instructions" during the British rule in Hong Kong, the Basic Law has not yet been able to entrench its status as the supreme constitutional legislation in the SAR since some people here do not give it the respect it deserves. That accounts for the popularity of the various proposals of the "pro-democracy" camp that glaringly violate or depart from the Basic Law. They quote the contents of the Basic Law that serve their purpose and ignore the rest or ask for their amendment.
The practice of democracy requires the existence of certain constitutional conditions. Can universal suffrage be exercised in a society where not even its constitutional legislation is respected? The answer is "no".
Another pre-requisite for constitutional development in the SAR is for patriots to form the main body of rulers of the territory, an idea put forward by Deng Xiaoping. Patriotism is what is required by the Basic Law of those who join the ranks of rulers. If one does not love one's motherland, how could he qualify as a ruler in Hong Kong?
As to the "actual situation in Hong Kong", I believe it refers to the overall economic and social conditions of the SAR as well as its relationship with the mainland. Since this "situation" changes over time and can be divided into stages, the territory's constitutional development must accordingly develop in stages and should stay put for a certain period of time.
On the other hand, however, the "pro-democracy" camp regards as "the actual situation" the demand for "returning power to the people" that emerged after the July 1 mass rally last year. They have cited it as the mainstream opinion in order to force the SAR and central governments to accept universal suffrage for electing the chief executive in 2007 and forming the Legislative Council in 2008.
They have gone so far as to suggest Hong Kong become the vanguard of democratization in China, dreaming of turning the SAR into a base where Western political systems are used to transform the country's main political system.
When analyzing "the actual situation", one cannot but focus on the economic plight Hong Kong has fallen into following the Asian financial crisis. Present signs of recovery in the local economy notwithstanding, the deep-seated problems in the economic structure have not been resolved.
Hence Hong Kong should concentrate its energy and time on sustaining the momentum of economic revival and transformation rather than politicize the issue of people's livelihood. A worsening political situation on top of a faltering economy is something the SAR will find a bitter pill to swallow.
A recent survey showed that 85 per cent of middle-class respondents expressed confidence over this year's local economy and the investment environment. This is inspiring news.
We should make good use of the confidence and the upward swing of the economy to complete the economic restructuring and sharpen Hong Kong's competitiveness. This is the best way to safeguard its prosperity and stability.
(China Daily HK Edition April 10, 2004)
|
