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I have been following the contact between the central government and the 14th Dalai Lama for years, and have written many articles discussing the negotiations. Leafing through materials on my desk at the end of 2002, I felt obliged to say more about the issue.
There has, lately, been more information available on the contact between the central government and the 14th Dalai Lama. They have concentrated mainly on the fact that, in 2002, the related government department approved the applications of two groups of people closely linked to the 14th Dalai Lama for home visits. Arrangements were made for them to visit Tibet and Tibetan-inhabited areas in other parts of China.
According to Kong Quan, spokesman from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the people involved were Tibetan compatriots residing overseas who were approved to visit the motherland and see their relatives, and the government department concerned made due arrangements to receive them. The first group was composed of people including Gyile Toinzhub, second elder brother of the 14th Dalai Lama. The second group comprised of four people, including Gyiri, who was the 14th Dalai Lama's representative stationed in the United States and Europe, and Mr Galsang.
However, who on earth was the representative of the 14th Dalai Lama sent to negotiate with the relevant government department? So far, I have not received an answer to this. What was discussed in the media is not grounded in fact. The central government, however, welcomes whoever returns home for a visit and meetings with government officials or the Tibetan local government, and the media, and, based on this, one sees new hope for the possibility of improved bilateral relations. Of course, there are some who accused the central government of adopting a pre-designed position and also attacked the 14th Dalai Lama for surrendering to the central government.
I hope our readers will pay more attention to what Living Buddha Sangdong, a powerful person under the 14th Dalai Lama, has said.
"China should unfold dialogue on the future position of Tibet before the advent of next year (2003), otherwise it will have to confront mass opposition," he told a London press conference.
What he said seems to be the basis of a memorandum he issued to the central government, and carries a threatening tone. He went further by setting a goal for contact between the central government and the 14th Dalai Lama: "The goal of the government-in-exile is to win autonomy for Tibet in China, a position similar to that enjoyed by Hong Kong."
When he made the comments, he was acting as a genuine representative of the 14th Dalai Lama. The always-arrogant living Buddha boasts that the 14th Dalai Lama accepts whatever he says. It is then no wonder he made the above statement.
However, Living Buddha Sangdong is not the 14th Dalai Lama. How does the latter see his ties with the central government for the year?
I noticed that, when the two groups finished their visits to China and returned to wherever they came from, they shunned use of the phrase that the 14th Dalai Lama always used, namely, "return to the country," "paid a visit to Beijing, China," "visited Tibet" or "made a trip to Beijing and Tibet." Instead, the 14th Dalai Lama concluded that the visits marked "a sound beginning." Talking about the content of the "negotiations," he said that they centered on "Tibetan autonomy, instead of separation from China;" "what I sought is not the independence of Tibet, but the genuine autonomy;" "this genuinely means no major difference from the 'one country two systems' followed by the Chinese Communists in Hong Kong." After this, he went on to say that, "I favor Tibetan autonomy under the PRC (People's Republic of China) Constitution. I have always been striving to negotiate with China, doing my best to achieve the ideal for long-term autonomy in Tibet." With regard to the current situation in Tibet, the 14th Dalai Lama said: "Beijing's current policy (toward Tibet) is detrimental to peace and unity." With regard to how to contact the central government, the 14th Dalai Lama said: " We will observe the substantial results of these visits." "In the months to come, if they (the Chinese Government) continue to follow this road, both the Tibetan and Han people would benefit. We need to continue down this road. Otherwise, we need to take action in light of the actual situation." Explaining his meaning, the 14th Dalai Lama said: "I think the Chinese Government also wishes to see peace and stability in Tibet." No matter how the 14th Dalai Lama expresses himself, what he says is always identical with the words of Living Buddha Sangdong. In this sense, Sangdong's memorandum to the central government was issued according to the will of the 14th Dalai Lama.
Through years of studying negotiations between the central government and the 14th Dalai Lama, I have got the impression that the reason he has achieved nothing lies in the fact that he is not able to measure the situation in a correct way. The 14th Dalai Lama gained his present honorific title through the system of inheritance. In 1954, he attended the First National People's Congress of the PRC as a Tibetan deputy, and was elected Vice-Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee. This made it possible for him to have a say in government affairs on behalf of the Tibetan people and hold a position due to a State leader. However, in order to achieve the illusion of Tibetan independence, he gave up the power bestowed on him by the people and betrayed the tradition of loving the motherland cherished by the Dalai Lama of previous generations and in the end was reduced to being a political exile.
Whether the 14th Dalai Lama admits it or not, he has, over the 40-odd years of his life overseas, become a chieftain of Tibet separatism. He failed to work for the thorough emancipation of the broad masses of the Tibetan serfs and slaves and contribute to socialist construction in New Tibet. So, he is no longer qualified to represent the Tibetan people, and this has become an indisputable fact. However, the 14th Dalai Lama still styles himself as "representative of the Tibetan people." In this regard, however, he fails to place himself in the right place.
Second, the 14th Dalai Lama actively advocates Tibetan independence and is now working for "genuine autonomy" of Tibet under the PRC Constitution. As a political exile, his political pursuit is not as strong as his primary pursuit for Tibetan independence.
The PRC adopted its first Constitution in the early 1950s and the present version has been in force for a score of years. All the versions of the Constitution uphold national regional autonomy, advocate consolidation and development of socialist ethnic ties featuring equality, unity and mutual aid and stipulate the promotion of legal guarantee for common prosperity among different ethnic groups.
Practice of national regional autonomy over the past 50-odd years shows this system is leading various ethnic minorities along the road to development and prosperity.
It has been some 30 years since the Tibet Autonomous Region was founded. All of its People's Congress chairman and government heads are Tibetan. Deputies to people's congresses at various levels were all elected. Compared with 1959, the year Democratic Reform was embarked on in Tibet, economic construction in the region today beams with great achievement.
However, the 14th Dalai Lama pays no homage to the electoral rights enjoyed by the 2.6 million people in Tibet, to the hard work of government leaders (mostly Tibetan), to the achievements made in economic construction and social development, nor to the fundamental interests of the State. What he wants is "to set himself up with a new kitchen." While doing this, he declared that he would not seek any official position in the "kitchen." Even though he does not want to work in the "new kitchen," will Living Buddha Sangdong be satisfied to stay in the monastery in his hometown in Yunnan Province?
Third, both the 14th Dalai Lama and the Living Buddha Sangdong mentioned many times their goal for "high level of autonomy" and "genuine autonomy," and said this showed no major difference from the "one country, two systems" policy of the Chinese Government in seeking solutions of issues related to Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan. The "one country, two system" concept, under which the mainland follows the socialist system and the above-mentioned three regions follow the capitalist system which they had previously been following, shows the greatness of the Chinese Government and the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee. Tibet is a different case. It underwent Democratic Reform in 1959, during which feudal serfdom characteristics of the old temporal and religious administration were abolished, the million serfs won emancipation and Tibet set off down the socialist road. In 1965 the Tibetan people began to enjoy rights stipulated in the PRC Constitution and Chinese law, including rights related to national regional autonomy. People in Tibet enjoy full rights to take part in State and local affairs. The Tibetans thus became masters of their own fate. In the big family of the motherland, Tibet follows the socialist road, a road on which the Tibetan people chose to embark. Since Tibet is already following the system of national regional autonomy, I have to ask the 14th Dalai Lama as to his meaning about the "one country, two systems." Do you wish to see the Tibetans quit the road to national regional autonomy and go back to groaning under the feudal serfdom?
Fourth, the 14th Dalai Lama overestimates his position and influence in the international community. He believes the Tibetan question has been internationalized and there are people ready to play the cards for him. His belief comes from the politicians around him, politicians he has befriended in the last few years. Some of them worked to exert pressure on the Chinese Government; some advocated and promoted "democracy," "freedom" and "human rights;" some worked hard to gain votes for their efforts to seek official posts; and some others endeavored to hit back at political enemies. Some parliamentary members thus won votes and, at the same time, gained tangible results. These people have done so for their own interests, and none would be willing to relinquish their own interests for the interests of the 14th Dalai Lama, not to say sacrifice their interests for him.
He is now on the verge of turning 70 and has been leading an exile's life for more than 40 years, but he refuses to cast away his illusion of Tibetan independence, which, of course, has become a pipe dream. If he could measure the times, he would be able to gain a new lease on life. It is difficult for a man with influence and position to acknowledge his own mistakes. For this reason, those who do so are worth respecting. Regrettably, the 14th Dalai Lama fails to face the mistakes that he has made. He is getting on in years and is not in a position to afford wasting the chance the central government offers him.
A Chinese saying goes: " Whoever understands the times is a great man." I hope the 14th Dalai Lama has a good understanding of the situation, and wastes no more time in making a correct decision.
This article was originally carried in China's Tibet magazine.
(China Daily March 20, 2003)
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