The Dalai Lama clique has got accustomed to falsifying the history of the Tibet autonomous region.
In a recent interview with Frankfurter Fundschau, a German newspaper, the Dalai Lama admitted the old Tibet was far from a free society. But at the same time, he also praised old Tibet, trying to describe it as a paradise.
It is known that the Dalai Lama has developed a dual character. He once backed the 17-Article Agreement, an important agreement signed between China's central government and the Tibetan authority on May 23, 1951 on its peaceful liberation.
In a telegram to Chairman Mao Zedong on October 24, 1951, the Dalai Lama claimed the two sides signed the document on a peaceful and friendly basis and the Tibet's regional government and all its people would extend unanimous support to it.
He also claimed that, under the strong leadership of Chairman Mao and the central government, Tibetans provided active assistance to the People's Liberation Army in expelling imperialist forces out of the Himalayan region and safeguarding the unity of the country's sovereignty and territory.
The 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama were elected respectively as vice-chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) and its member at the first NPC session held in Beijing in 1954.
In his speeches delivered to the Congress, the Dalai Lama fully confirmed the achievements scored in the implementation of the 17-Article Agreement and expressed strong support to the central government's policy and provisions on the regional ethnic autonomy.
On April 22, 1956, the Dalai Lama was appointed the director member of the Organizing Committee of the Tibet autonomous region. In his celebratory speeches delivered at its establishment meeting, he once again made positive remarks on the 17-Article Agreement, saying it has helped Tibetans fully enjoy all rights for ethnic equality and brought them onto a bright road to freedom and happiness.
But some events that took place in Tibet years later proved that the Dalai Lama shifted to a hostile approach toward the central government and stepped up "Tibet independence" conspiracy. A typical case was a deliberately plotted political game in 1959. On February 7 that year, the Dalai Lama demanded Deng Shaodong, then deputy commanding officer of the Tibet Military Area, arrange for a play for him to watch because he said "the program played by the art troupe affiliated to the military area is very good". Deng immediately agreed and asked the Dalai Lama to fix its timing and location.
At the same time, Deng also told the news to some Tibet government officials and certain Dalai Lama's subordinates. The Dalai Lama later decided he would watch the show at the Tibet Military Area's auditorium at 3:00pm, March 10. However, on the preceding evening, the pro-Dalai Lama chief security official in Lhasa, capital of Tibet, began to instigate local Tibetans to gather around Norbulingka, the Dalai Lama's residence, to petition their spiritual leader not go for the drama watching. Lies were then cooked up to cheat local people that the Han people would hijack the Dalai Lama to Beijing by taking advantage of this occasion.
The next morning, more than 2,000 Tibetans gathered around the Dalai Lama's residence under the coercion of a handful of rebellious forces and disseminated the rumor that the Dalai Lama would be poisoned. They shouted loudly such slogans as "Tibet independence" and "Han people go out". The rebellious forces also beat some local officials and the deputy commanding officer of the Tibet Military Area. A member of the organizing committee of the Tibet autonomous region was even beaten to death and his body was tied to a horsetail for a procession along the streets. Later, the rebellion's chief organizers continuously convened so-called "Tibet's people's conference" and "a conference for Tibet independence" in open contravention of the long-held 17-Article Agreement. They even openly announced "Tibet independence" and vowed a full campaign for an armed rebellion.
Although Norbulingka was not controlled by the rebellious forces, the central government encountered great difficulties in obtaining connections with him. In his three letters that he managed to transfer to the Dalai Lama via some patriots respectively on March 10, 11, and 15, Tan Guansan, the central government's representative in Tibet, expressed his concerns over the Dalai Lama and demanded the Tibet government and the regional military should immediately put an end to the unrestrained armed provocation.
In his response, the Dalai Lama also accused the rebellious group of attempting to create activities to compromise his purposes and said he would do his best to put down such activities. "Such activities plotted by the rebellious group has deeply concerned me because they are attempting to sow discord between the central government and the Tibet government," he said in a reply letter.
In a reply letter on March 16, the Dalai Lama also said he extended harsh criticism to some people involved and added he would possibly go to the Tibet-based PLA' s Military Area. But a day later, he fled Lhasa together with some rebellion organizers to their base area for preparations for new rebellions. After the failure of their revolts, they fled to India.
What comments will the Dalai Lama make when recalling history?
The author works with the education union in the Tibet autonomous region.
(China Daily March 14, 2009)