Following the departure from China and return to the United States
by President George W. Bush, the impact of the recent China-US
Summit on China-US relations still attracts much attention from
government officials, experts and the media. With this in mind, our
staff reporter interviewed Wang Yizhou, vice-director of Institute
of World Economics and Politics under the
Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences.
Reporter: Some analysts think Bush's itinerary -- "Japan first,
China second" -- for his visit established that he considers Japan
above China in his Asia strategy. What is your view?
Wang Yizhou: To some extent, Bush does emphasize Japan. He is
trying to change the influence of Bill Clinton's "Bypass Diplomacy"
(when Clinton visited China, he did not stop in Japan before or
after his visit) to make the point that the importance of Japan to
the United States has not changed. Since Japan is an ally of the
United States, it is understandable that Bush chose Japan as his
first stop. But last does not mean least important, Bush's "Japan
first, China second" schedule does not mean he ignores the
strategic importance of China.
Reporter: China and the United States think differently on many
issues such as the Taiwan question, National Missile Defense,
proliferation of nuclear weapons etc. on which they could not reach
consensus. Therefore, Bush's visit was an empty show. What do you
think?
Wang: I don't think it's true that China and the United States did
not achieve any substantive progress. In fact, the two sides
reached certain agreements and set the tone for the coming routine
talks in many fields. The most important fruits of Bush's visit is
that he built a cooperative atmosphere and turned China-US
relations back onto the right track to develop constructive
relations based on cooperation and mutual understanding, mutual
trust and mutual respect. The unfolding history of relations
between China and the United States has taught us that China-US
relations have had to experience a period of breaking in before
entering into a normal period. In this sense, the China-US Summit
at least built a good base for the improvement and development of
China-US relations during Bush's next three-year term. Because
face-to-face communication is of vital importance to both sides,
through having such contact the United States can understand China
correctly, especially the attitude of Chinese people on many
issues.
Reporter: American Ambassador to China Clark T. Randt said he
regarded Bush's visit as a new milestone in China-US relations. Do
you think the visit stands as a significant point for new strategic
relations?
Wang: It depends on the way you look at it. If judging on the basis
of concrete treaties or settling past differences, it is very hard
to say a milestone was achieved. However, if judging from the point
of view of enhancing trust and dissolving doubts and changing an
atmosphere of no-confidence, it is a very important visit without
question. Neither "Enemy" nor "close friend" describe normal
China-US relations. Bilateral relations can be stabilized on the
basis of seeking common ground while shelving differences only
after the two sides acknowledge existing differences. After
one-year of breaking in, Bush's China policy is growing mature, so
we can see his visit as a symbol of immaturity to maturity.
Reporter: What will be the biggest differences as well as points of
agreement in the immediate future?
Wang: As a matter of fact, both sides can cooperate in many ways.
From the history of China-US relations, the increase of the trade
and economic relations has always been the most important driving
force to push bilateral relations forward. According to our
statistics, China-US trade value has surpassed US$80 billion, which
is one of the important bilateral trade relationships in the world.
And it might become the biggest bilateral trade relationship if it
keeps its developing trend, which benefits the both sides. On the
other hand, both China and the United States are major powers in
terms of politics and security. They need each other in the
cooperation of international security affairs. The United States
needs China's support in a series of issues such as Asian-Pacific
affairs, anti-terrorism and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
As for China, it also needs to cooperate with the United States in
many international and regional issues.
However, structural contradictions do exist in the bilateral ties.
Among them, the Taiwan question is the most important one. Taiwan
questions are completely an internal affair in our eyes, a problem
left over from a special historical period. The United States
always thinks it has a special obligation to Taiwan and special
treaty relations. Therefore, no matter what time, past, now,
future, Taiwan question is a "meteorological symbol" in China-US
relations. Although the both sides have different views on the
definition of terrorism, international arms control and some other
issues, the two countries are not apt to fight over these issues.
But the Taiwan question is an exception. If the two sides fail to
handle it properly, it is possible for China-US relations to go
backwards on a full-scale level.
(中國(guó)青年報(bào) [China Youth
Daily] translated by Zheng Guihong for china.org.cn March 5,
2002)